Milloy's Junkscience pages.
The main corporate funders of the Cato Institute are:
The Junkman and the Web of Deceit;
Michael Gough's C.V.
Air Quality Standards Coalition:
This is an ad hoc creation of the:
Citizens for a Sound Economy
Steve Milloy writes most of his books in association with the Cato Institute's Director of Science and Risk Studies, Michael Gough, another PR specialist who has long served industry well (particularly the paper industry). Gough once worked for the Office of Technical Assessment (OTA) on the problems of dioxin in Agent Orange and in paper effluent. He visited Australia briefly in 1990 to act as an independent judge on the value of some dioxin research conducted by Dr George Carlo (but forgot to mention their close association).
Gough lists himself as being "against politics-driven government funding of science and in favor of private funding." He's not actually attacking universities and such, he means research of the kind conducted by the EPA (Environmental Protection Agency) and FDA (Food and Drug Administration), and medical research not conducted by, and for the benefit of, drug companies. He also wants all defence and welfare research to be out-sourced from profit-making organisations.
There's a lot of corporate benefit in this, apart from just the tax savings. In America, any publicly funded research project must be published in full within a month of completion -- while projects funded privately through private research organisations can be held to be confidential.
Gough has "testified against the Advanced Technology Program, a Department of Commerce corporate welfare program, and against government funding of 'environmental research,' which is focused on extending the underpinnings regulation, not scientific understanding."
Cato credits him thus: "Gough's goals include:
This is the position that Milloy and Gough both take. But now let me tell you what Milloy doesn't reveal about himself in his C/V at the junkscience site.
Filling in the gaps in his C/V
Until a few years ago Milloy was the director of science policy studies at NEPI, the National Environmental Policy Institute (a part of The Center for Strategic and International Studies.
This is supposedly, a public policy research institution "dedicated to analysis and policy impact"), but actually it is just another anti-science organisation funded by both the oil industry and Phillip Morris (a so-called "coalition" of companies with a common interest).
It was founded by a well-known "anti-smoking" Republican Representative, Don Ritter, with money channeled from a large oil company, and then later the tobacco industry. It supposedly operates through through the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), while likely gets some of its direction and funding from Philip Morris board member, Harold Brown who lists this organisation on his C/V. Brown probably had a hand in recruiting Milloy also, since they both have a common association with John Hopkins University.
The CSIS appears to have two divisions: one a legitimate right-wing think-tank with genuine scholars, housed on the John Hopkins campus at Baltimore, and the other a public-relations/lobby operation in Washington DC.
This "public-policy" organisation appears to be dedicated to transforming (or destroying) both the EPA and the FDA, and challenging the Superfund clean-ups of toxic chemical locations. I guess, this is because the EPA had been far too active in promoting the Clean Air Act and opposing ETS (Environmental Tobacco Smoke), and because the FDA had been too restrictive on tobacco additives, and nicotine itself.
The mission statement of the NEPI says it has a "commitment to providing a substantive framework for improving environmental policy and management. It draws upon the collective skill, experience and knowledge of elected officials, industry representatives, government policy makers, academics and members of the environmental and scientific communities.
"NEPI is dedicated to establishing realistic environmental priorities and helping to focus the national environmental debate," they say. And one of the ways they focus the debate is to have on-staff those members of the Reagan Administration who didn't get jobs with the Cato Institute.
They bill themselves as " a non-profit, bipartisan organization of environmental leaders." and, to prove they have environmental credentials, they have on-board Timothy K. Judge who is the "founder and former president of Bio-Safe Incorporated, a medical waste disposal company, [who] is currently a consultant on environmental management systems and brownfield restoration."
Milloy frequently appeared on radio and television programs for the NEPI, and has testified on risk assessment and the Superfund before the American Congress. One report of such testimonial states:
The NEPI's publication, Science-Based Risk Assessment: A Key to the Superfund Puzzle, says:
NEPI is also associated with The Air Quality Standards Coalition (AQSC) which represent an industry viewpoint that current clean-air regulations are adequate, and that more stringent regulations would harm business. This is actually an ad hoc coalition created by the National Association of Manufacturers, the American Petroleum Institute, the American Automobile Manufacturers Association, the National Mining Association and others for the express purpose of fighting the EPA's proposed clean air standards.
While Milloy was involved, the AQSC held numerous news "briefings", launched its own Internet web sites, and paid PR companies to place news stories proclaiming that the EPA's data is "junk science." In addition, the Coalition retained the services of political adviser to Vice President Al Gore, Carter Eskew, for a contract that is estimated at over $5 million.
C Boyden Gray, an outspoken critic of the EPA's standards and a lobbyist for Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering, a firm specialising in environmental and regulatory risk management, is the principle spokesman and organiser of the AQSC. He was once White House legal counsel for President Bush, and he claims to have ghostwritten the weakened Clean Water Act for Senator Bob Dole.
His grandfather Bowman Gray, was the principal owner of the R.J. Reynolds Tobacco Co. and his father, Gordon Gray, founded the Bowman Gray (memorial) Medical School in Winston-Salem and was actively involved in the 1940s national eugenical sterilisation movement along with other Clay relatives.
C. Boyden Gray is also chairman of Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE -- a national free-market think-tank and public policy organization), which is yet another major players in the anti-clean air debate. This is another group working with the National Association of Manufacturers.
The CSE appears also to be directly involved in anti-regulatory strategy planning with AQSC and they get their funding from the American Petroleum Institute, the American Plastics Council and the Chemical Manufacturers Association. The CSE's budget quadrupled from $4 million in 1991 to $17.6 million in 1995 and the organisation claims that its cash comes equally from industry, foundations and individuals.
© Stewart Fist, Sydney, 1996
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